Primary Source

The Anniversary Election Sermon

John Marsh 1796
John Marsh's election sermon to Connecticut authorities emphasizing civic virtue and religious responsibility in republican governance.

EEBO-TCP N23251 (TEI), original spelling, printed page numbers. STC/Wing Evans 30738

From the text

The opening of the work as printed, in the spelling of this edition.

MR. MARSH'S ELECTION SERMON.

A true Copy of Record,

Test, SAMUEL WYLLYS, Sec'ry.

AN ELECTION SERMON.

Think upon me, my GOD, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.

THIS is the language of a ruler, who was an ardent lover of his nation. He had done much for the people over whom he was placed, and had the satisfaction arising from a consciousness, that he had served them from the best principles and the purest motives. He could appeal to p. 6God, to whom he had respect in the discharge of the duties of his office, and with comfort hope in him for that reward in his favor, which he hath graciously encouraged all, who do well, to expect. Happy are those rulers, who, like NEHEMIAH, have the interest of their people at heart, and under the habitual influence of the fear of God, and with a prevailing regard to his approbation, exert themselves for the promotion of their welfare! Happy is that people that is distinguished with such rulers!

IN the following discourse, I propose, in conformity to the occasion of the present meeting, and the ideas suggested by the passage just read, to consider the design of civil government, and the importance of religion in those, to whom the administration of it is committed.

First. LET us consider briefly, the design of the institution of civil government.

THIS is intimated in the text to be the benefit of the people: According to all that I have done for this people.

COULD men have been as secure in their lives and properties, and enjoyed equal happiness in a state of nature, as in a state of society, civil polity p. 7would never have been erected among them. It is unreasonable to suppose that any number of men, inhabiting any portion of the earth, would ever have come into an agreement to relinquish some of their natural rights as individuals, and to submit to certain laws deriving their authority from such agreement, without a view to their greater advantage—to the more effectual security of their most valuable rights, liberties and privileges.

MAN is formed for society. Such are his faculties—his natural desires, inclinations and capacities, that he would be uneasy without an intercourse with his fellow-creatures.—Such his weakness and his wants, that without their aid, he could not exist comfortably, if he could exist at all. And such are the lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, that the weaker would always be in danger from the stronger, without the protection of laws, which numbers agree to adopt and support, for their mutual safety and advantage.

p. 7THIS being the case, nothing is more natural and reasonable, than that numbers should associate for the defence, assistance and improvement of one another. And though, by such association, they put themselves out of a state of natural p. 8freedom, they are richly compensated therefor, by the numerous important benefits to be enjoyed only in a state of civil society.

THE end of the appointment of civil rulers cannot be their own personal honor and emolument, but the benefit of those over whom they are placed. Rulers are made for the nation, and not the nation for rulers.

As members of society, they are to enjoy in common with others, the advantages resulting from the social compact. As rulers, they are entitled to an honourable support, and to all that respect and esteem, which the dignity of their stations and the importance of their services render fit and proper. They are not, however, to seek their own separate interest, but the interest and welfare of the community.

THESE dictates of nature and reason, the dictates of revelation strengthen and confirm. In the book of inspiration it is expressly said of the civil ruler, "He is the minister of God to thee for good. Rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil. They are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing."

THE benevolent author of our existence—of our capacities and all the means of improvement p. 9and happiness, in the directions he has given in his word, respecting the qualifications and duties of rulers, as well as correspondent conduct of the people, has an evident view to the good of society—that the members in general, "may lead a quiet and peaceful life in all godliness and honesty."

VARIOUS are the forms and constitutions of government, which the different genius, prejudices, circumstances, situations and customs of men, have led them to frame and adopt. That in justly accounted the most eligible for a particular people, which is best adapted, under their circumstances, to promote and secure the great end for which magistracy is appointed. But no form of government can ensure happiness to a people, unless it be well administered.

p. 9A CONSTITUTION, in many respects defective, in the hands of an able and upright administration, may be rendered subservient to the signal prosperity of a people. Whereas, a far more perfect form of government, in the hands of rulers of an opposite character, will fail of affording the citizens that protection and security, that peace and quietness, without which they cannot but be miserable.

p. 10IF these observations be just, what a post of importance is that of the civil magistrate! His elevated station, as it is a station of honor, is also one of labor and high responsibility; and it will be no further honorable to him, than as he fills it with dignity, and usefulness to the public.

THE care of those things which respect the welfare of a great people requires the close and unintermitted attention of the civil ruler. To attend to their situation with regard to other powers—to provide for their defence against foreign invasion and internal sedition—to secure those advantages that may justly be derived from an intercourse with other nations—to attend to the internal state of the commonwealth—to its finances—to its agriculture—commerce—manufactures—morals—learning and religion; to make such alteration in the laws, or such new ones, as the varying circumstances of the country, state, towns and corporations, may render expedient, and take effectual care to have them executed, is a most laborious and difficult employment. Such a variety of great, interesting and complicated business cannot be properly performed but by men of superior ability, knowledge and wisdom, firmness and integrity.

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