Election Sermon

MR. MCKEEN'S Election Sermon. DELIVERED MAY 28, 1800.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, May 28, 1800.

Extract from the Journals,

ATTEST—HENRY WARREN, Clerk.

AN Election Sermon.

MATTHEW 5—xiv—Latter part of the Verse.

A CITY THAT IS SET ON AN HILL, CANNOT BE HID.

THE divine author of our holy religion addressing his immediate disciples, suggested to them the distinguished part they should be called to act in erecting his kingdom of righteousness and truth in the world.

He well knew that many would estimate the character and worth of his religion by its visible influence on their conduct. If they imbibed its genuine spirit, and exhibited in their deportment a just specimen of its purity, they would recommend it to the consciences of men. But should they, on the contrary, practically disregard its doctrines and precepts, they would incur the suspicion of propagating a cunningly devised fable for selfish purposes, unfriendly to the general interest and happiness of mankind.

THAT they might act their part with dignity and fidelity, with honor to themselves, and advantage to their fellow men, it was necessary that their minds p. 6should be impressed with a deep sense of importance of the work assigned them, and of their high responsibility. Their every word and action would acquire new importance from their office, and would invite the critical attention of friends and foes. The former would be likely to defend and imitate even their foibles, and the latter to exaggerate them into crimes of magnitude to the disadvantage of them and their cause. It behoved them therefore to remember that all eyes were upon them, and that, to guard their own reputation, and, promote the best interest of mankind, their whole conduct should be governed by wisdom and integrity. A City that is set on an hill cannot be hid.

THE same observations are in a degree applicable to all men, who fill important offices in the Commonwealth.

MANY will always form their opinion of a government from what they know of the characters of the men who administer it. They are better judges of the private characters of men, with whom they are conversant, than they are of the constitutionality, propriety, or tendency of their political measures. When a government is administered by men of acknowledged wisdom and rectitude, it will have the confidence, attachment and support of good men. When it is administered by men, whose characters are vile or contemptible, it will be abhorred or despised.

p. 6THAT rulers therefore may in the best manner answer the end of their elevation, it is desirable that their private as well their official conduct should p. 7command the respect of every beholder. To do this, brilliancy of talents is by no means the most essential requisite. It is far from being necessary, for instance, that every member of a deliberative assembly should be qualified to shine as a public speaker. A sound judgment, and a general knowledge of the public interest, are necessary to the discharge of the duties of their places with reputation to themselves, and advantage to the community; but these endowments and qualifications for usefulness will not ensure them the respect and confidence of an enlightened and free people, unless they are reputed men of virtue. The greater their abilities and knowledge are, if they are believed to be destitute of moral principle, the more they will be objects of fear and distrust. The servile and corrupt will seek their favor, and expect to gain it by their readiness, to co-operate in the execution of base designs; but good men, alarmed and discouraged, will retire into the shade, accounting in such a state of things a private station the most honorable post. It is obviously, then, of great importance that men in places of public trust, authority and honor, should be not only truly virtuous, but unsuspected. It is conceived to be more necessary in a free, than in a despotic government. In the latter, force is the instrument that is principally relied on to preserve the public tranquility; but in the former, much is to be done by instruction, persuasion and example. The influence of these will be felt by the well-disposed, who will be gently drawn into a combination in favor of the order and happiness of society, p. 8which will extend its benign influence over others less informed less virtuous. In a design so laudable and patriotic, it may be reasonably expected that virtuous rulers will lead the way. The happiness of society is an object, which they will always keep in view. And it is believed that in many cases their example will contribute not less efficaciously than their statutes to the real respectability permanent prosperity of the State.

p. 8IT has pleased GOD in his gracious providence to grant us the singular privilege of deliberately framing, and freely adopting, constitutions of government, for the express purpose of securing our freedom, and promoting our welfare. Their importance and excellence are, and ought to be, gratefully acknowledged. But, if the real freedom of a country depends as much on the character and habits of the people as on a written constitution, our civil fathers will give us leave to solicit the weight of their example, authority and influence in opposition to the mistaken notions and vices which threaten our liberty, and in favor of the principles and virtues, which are indispensable to our freedom and happiness.

IT is not thought necessary to attempt on this occasion a formal proof of the power of example. It has been seen and felt and acknowledged in every age. It is equally obvious that the example of men in places of authority and honor is more influential, and more likely to be imitated than that of persons in the lower walks of life, especially in an elective free republic, where there are no hereditary distinctions p. 9of rank to prevent a free intercourse between the people and their rulers. Their elevation renders them conspicuous, like a city on a hill, and naturally attracts the public attention. Besides there is a general disposition in people to imitate the conduct of their superiors: And, unfortunately, they learn more easily to imitate their vices than their virtues. For this reason men, who are cloathed with power, or raised by their wealth above their neighbors, ought to feel themselves in a degree responsible for the behaviour of those around them. The happy tendency of good example deserves to be seriously considered by every virtuous ruler, and every real friend of his country. Blessed be GOD, we have had a WASHINGTON, whose unrivalled fame may silence the suggestions of a false shame, and dissipate the fears of timid virtue, which dreads the charge of singularity in goodness.