Election Sermon

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. IN SENATE, MAY 31st, 1797.

True copy of Record,

EDWARD MCLANE, Clerk of the Senate.

AN ELECTION SERMON.

"FOR SO IS THE WILL OF GOD, THAT WITH WELL DOING YE MAY PUT TO SILENCE THE IGNORANCE OF FOOLISH MEN."

THIS declaration of the apostle, directed to christians, and designed, to instruct and caution them, while under the government of heathen rulers, may, it is presumed, without impropriety, be recommended to the consideration both of rulers and ruled, now that christianity is their common religion. As the circumstance no longer exists, which directed the observations and counsels of the apostles, relative to civil government, principally to subjects and their duties; and as being misrepresented by ignorance, and slandered by folly are evils to which subjects are by no means exposed alone, may I not well be justified in giving to the text such a latitude of application, as has been suggested?

A VIEW of the words in their connexion, may lead to some previous observations on the ORIGIN and DESIGN of CIVIL GOVERNMENT, and the aspect of CHRISTIANITY upon it.

"SUBMIT yourselves, saith the apostle, to every ordinance of man, for the LORD'S sake: whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of GOD, that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men."

IT is of little importance whether we allow, to the first quoted words, the construction which our translation gives them, or, with some learned divines, instead of every ordinance of man, read every human creature; that is, every person in authority; civil rulers of every rank and description. If civil government be considered by this apostle, as an ordinance of man, he does not in thus representing it, contradict another apostle, who says, "the powers that be are ordained of GOD." HE has ordained them, because they are agreeable to the constitution of the world, which he has established. It is evidently his will that civil government should exist, because he is a GOD of order and not of confusion; because the nature of mankind, their social disposition, their wants, their passions, their irregularities and their vices clearly indicate its expediency and importance. We are by no means obliged to conclude, from a command, to be in subjection to the existing powers, because they are ordained of GOD: or to submit to every person in civil authority, of whatever name, rank or degree of power, for the LORD'S sake, that all rulers derive their authority immediately from GOD. We may not infer that he has so pointed out the particular manner in which we should be governed, or the degree of power which every ruler ought to possess, that civil government, may not be properly styled an ordinance of man.

GOVERNMENT has its remote origin in the nature of mankind: Or, the ruler's power is indirectly derived from HIM who is the author of that nature. Its immediate origin, as relative to particular nations and communities of men, has been far from uniform. The only proper source of the ruler's power, at least, when extended farther than that of a parent over his family, is, under GOD, the people or community, who are the subjects of his government. We believe that the people only have the right to determine the nature and form of their political constitution. But we readily allow that facts are, in many instances, at variance with right; and that the theory which supposes the obligation to civil obedience derived from an original social compact, is not universally, or in general, supported by the history of nations. Many, if not most of the governments now existing in the world, probably originated in conquest. Or, however their foundations were at first laid, they have, through various changes, been matured to what they now are. And it is far from true, that their present forms are the result of a general compact among the people, or are a just expression of their will, unless their submission to them be considered as implicit consent. The instance of a numerous people, unawed by any foreign power, uncontroled by any internal oppressor, calmly collecting the wisdom and the will of the whole community; coolly examining first principles; freely discussing and declaring their natural rights, and on such a firm and rational basis, deliberately erecting a constitution of government for themselves, p. 8is a spectacle not less singular than august, even in modern, more enlightened times. Nor will it, I trust, be considered as savouring of national pride, rather than as expressive of just gratitude to heaven, if I add, that to no instance among the few which modern times have exhibited, claiming any title to the above description, is it so fully applicable, as to that of our own highly favoured country.

p. 8AS to the design or final cause of government, we feel no more doubt than with regard to its legitimate origin, or the proper source of the ruler's power. That is the general good of the people, as this is their general will. I should blush for my country, or for myself, did I hesitate to say, that we are agreed in exploding the absurd idea of the many being made for the few; and of rulers, as such, not living for the people, rather than the people for them: or did I suppose that it could be felt as any disparagement by the latter, to be styled the servants of the public. Their usefulness is their honour; and they are great in proportion as they minister to the general good. This, however, does by no means suggest that a consciousness o◊ their being benefactors, ought to be their only reward.—While acting in character, they merit not only the esteem and respect of the people, but have a right to find their own interests promoted by their exertions for the benefit of others. If they are servants, they are by no means slaves. They are not bound to give their labor to the public, without an honourable compensation though in common with others, they ought to be under the influence of those sublime principles of patriotism and religion, which may induce them, when peculia◊ p. 9occasion calls, to make such sacrifices for their country's welfare, as nothing but the gratitude and affection of their country can repay.