The Election Sermon

Mr. Stevens's ELECTION-SERMON,

Province of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY. In COUNCIL, 28 May, 1761.

Attest.

A. OLIVER, Secr.

p. 5An ELECTION-SERMON.

—WHERE the Spirit of the LORD is, there is LIBERTY.

THE glorious character, and the righteous, wise and good administration of the Deity, lay the foundation of piety in all its branches. From the consideration hereof internal worship as well as public and social, result: The latter, as well as the former, is a rational act of homage paid to him who rules in the kingdoms of men, and conducts the grand as well as minute affairs of the universe: it is also a proper and natural expression of our belief of his superintendency and government of all things: a firm and practical belief of which fundamental truth of religion hath a tendency to influence the whole moral conduct. The practice p. 6therefore of assembling in the house of God upon this day, as it is coeval with our civil establishment, is laudable, rational and just; and may be considered as an act of homage paid by the whole community to him who is the head of the social system, the bestower of every blessing, and the supreme guardian of all our rights.

VARIOUS are the subjects relative to this occasion which are truly interesting. But as we are just arrived at that happy period, in which by the smiles of heaven on our just arms, we have obtained the entire conquest of Canada; whereby we hope in God we are delivered from the tyranny and misery which threatned us, "and the future security of our liberties civil and religious put into our hands:"—As it is also the happy day in which we are called to improve some of the important privileges and liberties we enjoy by his grant, who delivered us from arbitrary power both in church and state; I could think of no subject which more justly claims our attention than that which our text without any forced construction will suggest.

BUT without any farther introduction, after humbly imploring the spirit of Christ which is a spirit of liberty—and asking the candor and patience of all present, I shall proceed to the consideration of my subject:—My concern shall be to speak with that freedom which the spirit of the divine Redeemer p. 7inspires, and at the same time with that reverence and decency which is due to so respectable an auditory.

p. 7WITHOUT spending time to review the whole passage of scripture to which our text hath reference, I shall consider the words as a general truth, laid down upon a particular occasion; and similar in their intention to those of our Lord, [John VIII. 34, 36.] "Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free".—And again "If the Son of GOD make you free, ye shall be free indeed." Whether the apostle here intends a liberty from that darkness which tyrannized over the understanding of the Jews, or the liberty of the children of GOD in general, I shall not pretend absolutely to determine: but say, that liberty in every respect stands in connexion with the Spirit of Christ. The gospel is stiled "a law of liberty."—Being conformed to this, and animated and influenced by the spirit of its divine author, we shall be free from the servitude of Satan the grand tyrant, and the slavery of sin, which is the worst of servitude, and from whence result all the tyrannies, disorders and confusions that have been in the world.

As civil government, which was instituted for the preservation of civil liberty, effects in an imperfect degree some of those designs in GOD's righteous administration, which he is carrying on in p. 8the world by his word and spirit; and as liberty in a political sense is mentioned by a sacred writer as one of the privileges of christians, as well as other men; [1 Pet. II. 16.] and as christians are commanded

to stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free

—what I propose from these words of the apostle, is

I. To shew, That liberty both civil and religious is the spirit and genius of the sacred writings.

II. THAT the spirit of Christ prevailing in the hearts, and influencing the lives of mankind, is the greatest security of liberty in both these respects.

NEITHER the time nor my strength will admit any thing more than a cursory and imperfect consideration of these two particulars. But before I proceed to prove the truth of these observations, it is necessary to premise a few things relative to the nature of civil and religious liberty.

p. 8I WOULD premise in general, that to state the nature of each, and exactly limit their bounds—to say in all respects what prerogative and powers the sovereign shall be vested with, excepting this in general, a power to do every thing which is requisite for the preservation and happiness of the state:—to determine also what are the rights and privileges p. 9of the subject, and to fix the measures of his submission—I say, the determining these points with precision, would be attempting what would be beyond my line, and would require more time than the limits of a discourse upon this occasion would allow.—Therefore I shall give you the definition of civil liberty from an approved writer,— [〈…〉 AMAQUI.]

that it is natural liberty it self, divested of that part which constitutes the independence of individuals by the authority it confers on sovereigns, attended with a right of insisting on his making a good use of his authority, and with a moral security this right will have it's effect.

As civil liberty is founded in civil government, a well constituted state requires that the magistrate be secure of the allegiance of the subject, and the subject of the protection of the magistrate: and civil liberty is in the greatest perfection, and those are the freest governments, where, on the one hand, the sovereign is secured from tyranny and an abuse of power, and the people from anarchy, confusion and disobedience. And though in such a state natural liberty is in many respects given up, yet if civil liberty, the liberty of civil society is secured, considering the state of the world, it is vastly to be preferred:—For hereby each one becomes secured of the protection and united force and counsel of the whole state, whereby life, property and every thing else that is valuable, is almost infinitely better secured, than in a state of natural liberty.